Metro Strategy Feedback Part 2 – Business Parks
12:32 pmIn part 2 of my personal feedback on the new Draft Metropolitan Strategy for Sydney to 2031 I'm going to look at my concern with the lack of critical engagement in defining appropriate land use policies in the strategy. My concerns are specifically directed at the business park precincts that has come to dominate recent office space development. This form of land use is completely inappropriate and contradictory to many of the other policy goals stated within the Metro Strategy.
Land use patterns are addressed in the policy through a hierarchy of centres and 'special precincts'. I am glad to see a more rigorous approach has been taken to identify a hierarchy of centres within the strategy. However, the use of ‘special precincts’ within the strategy is a bit messy and requires some better structure and consideration.
The concept of precincts is warranted within the strategy. A centres policy alone will not capture all appropriate land uses within a large metropolitan area. Like Harris and Ulman's 1940 Multi Nuclei urban typology models, it is important to understand and describe the clusters of different land uses across a metropolitan area. The city does not simply radiate out from centres, but clusters around specific uses. In 1992 Joel Garreau observed the clustering of uses and the demise of city centres in what he called the ‘edge city’. The edge city is a description of suburban sprawl built on the dominance of the private motor vehicle transportation. It is striking how the land use in these edge cities is at odds with a sustainable strategy we should be taking into the mid-21st century. Research has shown how this suburban typology and motor vehicle infrastructure are leading causes of increasing urban congestion, pollution, environmental damage and poor health outcomes. It is critical for the metropolitan strategy to engage with these land use patterns and address their effects on productivity, sustainability and livability.
In it's draft form the strategy just lists a few special precincts by type and location. I believe the strategy needs to better engage in these land uses and define how they should be associated with the centres strategy and other land uses. In table 1 below I've put together a model that attempts to bring some structure and definition to special precincts. This model describes strategically important precincts and identifies how these precincts will be associated to other strategic centres or land use typologies.
Table 1: Specialised Precinct types
Precinct Type
|
Precinct
|
Associated Centre or Land Use
|
Transport
Transport Precincts supports the intermodal change of transport and
provide planning outcomes for the delivery of associated land uses
|
Airport
|
A town centre with
transport infrastructure, hotels, retail
Employment
lands with, transport, warehousing
|
Passenger
Rail Terminal
|
A regional or global city centre with transport
infrastructure, hotels, retail, office space, housing, and open space
|
|
Shipping Port
|
Employment lands with, transport infrastructure and
warehousing
|
|
Health and
Education
Health and education precincts provide clustered land use for the
delivery of health care or education services. These precincts will be
associated with local town centres as described in the centres strategy
|
Education
|
A town centre with transport infrastructure,
housing, office space, retail, open space
|
Healthcare
|
A town centre with transport infrastructure,
housing, office space, retail, open space
|
Noticeably missing from this table is the “Business Park/Office Cluster” precinct used in the draft metro strategy. This land use pattern has been purposefully removed due to it's poor alignment with the fundamental object of the strategy, "a strong global city - a livable local city", and other stated policy objectives. The following table explores how the business park land use pattern contradicts with twenty five other policies stated in the strategy.
Table 2: Misalignment with other strategy objectives
Policy
|
Alignment
|
Analysis
|
1b. Growth will be encouraged within
the Metropolitan Urban Area to reflect market demand.
|
FAIL
|
Market demand has been skewed out of urban centres towards
lower cost suburban land through poor planning and poor transport infrastructure
|
1c. Increases in housing and employment
will be encouraged in transport accessible centres and where existing
infrastructure like schools are underutilised.
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks have low public
transport patronage making service delivery expensive and economically
unviable
|
1a. Plan for housing growth in centres
of all sizes.
|
FAIL
|
Business Park zoning has no provision
for residential housing
|
1b. Strategic Centres will be the focus
of medium and high density housing and business and commercial growth, with
supporting infrastructure.
|
FAIL
|
Business Park zoning will only
accommodate commercial growth, they provide no provision for housing or
social infrastructure. They shift business and commercial activity out of centres onto the suburban fringe.
|
1c. Encourage growth in all centres and
Specialised Precincts within the Global Economic Corridor and extend its
overall reach to Norwest and Parramatta.
|
FAIL
|
Extending the Global Economic Corridor
over a vast spatial area to include suburban business parks will decrease the
benefit of agglomeration and spill overs
|
1d. Mixed use development will be
encouraged in all centres, including central commercial core areas, where
there is market demand and complementary land uses.
|
FAIL
|
The Business Park typology is unable to generate demand for mixed use development or a diversity of land uses
|
1e. Expand central commercial core
areas in Global Sydney and the Regional Cities.
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks shift demand out of
commercial core areas
|
1f. Plan commercial cores for Major
Centres and Specialised Precincts where there is market demand and investment
opportunities.
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks will decrease investment
and demand in Major Centres
|
3 a. Strategic Centres and Specialised
Precincts will be the focus of improved transport services through cross-city
connections.
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks have very low public
transport usage and contribute negative returns on public investment
|
7a. Existing centres
will grow and change and new centres will be supported.
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks reduce demand for growth
in centres and counter the development of new centres
|
7b. Retail, employment, cultural and
social infrastructure will be included in centres undergoing growth and
renewal.
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks have no provision for
public space or social infrastructure. The typology is unable to generate the critical mass of pedestrian traffic needed to support other forms of retail, employment, cultural and social infrastructure
|
7c. New centres will follow principles
of good urban design.
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks provide poor urban
landscapes. By nature of their low density suburban typology that are unable to deliver good urban design outcomes that support social interaction, health and environmental sustainability.
|
8b. Cultural, social and recreational
infrastructure will be delivered across Sydney.
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks have no provision for
public space or social infrastructure
|
10f. We will improve public transport
connections to key employment areas and encourage more jobs closer to home.
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks have very low public
transport usage and shift jobs to the urban fringe, making them less
accessible to the majority of residents
|
11b. Strategic Centres, Specialised
Precincts and industrial lands will be the prime location for new clusters
and agglomeration economies.
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks provide poor
agglomeration benefits derived from knowledge sharing and idea incubation
found in complex urban environs and social interaction
|
14c. Office-based jobs in Parramatta,
Liverpool,
Penrith and other centres will increase
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks shift demand out of
existing centres towards the suburban fringe
|
18a. Precinct-scale planning will
encourage efficient energy, water and resource use.
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks have high environmental
impacts due to car usage and inefficient built forms
|
20a. Minimise impacts of climate change
in communities.
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks have high environmental
impacts
|
20b. Plan for a resilient built
environment that can adapt to a changing climate
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks are single use precincts that are less adaptable to change and dependent on cheap
energy and motor vehicle transportation.
|
21a. Strategic approaches to reduce
exposure to air pollution will inform planning.
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks contribute to increased
air pollution due to car dependence and increased road congestion
|
24a. Sydney’s growth will be supported
by current and future investment in transport, particularly public transport.
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks have very low public
transport usage and contribute negative returns on public investment
|
24b. Demand for car travel will be
managed to reduce congestion and infrastructure costs, consistent with the
Long Term Transport Master Plan.
|
FAIL
|
The Business Parks typology and
accessibility constraints encourage increase cars usage across the
metropolitan region
|
24c. Greater use of public transport,
walking and cycling will be encouraged.
|
FAIL
|
The typology of Business
Parks decrease aggregate demand for public and active transport options
|
26c. Urban design in centres will
support sustainable transport choices.
|
FAIL
|
Business Parks contribute to increased
demand for unsustainable transport choices
|
Despite being poorly aligned with the strategy, we should also consider other economic, social and environmental outcomes associated with business parks. The outcomes consider how lower rent cost-savings are in fact just cost-shifting, how investment on the suburban fringe is shifting investment out of urban centres, and how urban centres provide a better land use pattern for agglomeration economies.
The movement of capital into business parks can be easily understood as businesses seek lower rent on the suburban fringe. Providing closer proximity to workers and lower land costs, on the surface business parks seem to be an appropriate way to reduce costs and increase productivity. However I argue that the costs savings are actually just cost shifting onto other economic agents, see table 3. These negative externalities have on net disadvantaged for our metropolitan area and actually reduced productivity.
Table 3. Business Park cost shifting to other agents
Agent
|
Additional Cost
|
Taxpayers
|
Delivery of
inefficient/underutilised public transport, for example the Epping Chatswood rail link
|
Transport
industries
|
Increasingly
congested road network
|
Employees
|
Longer
commutes across the city to the suburban fringe
|
Suppliers
|
Increase
transport costs
|
Natural
environment
|
Increase air
pollution and energy use
|
Healthcare
|
Poor health
outcomes attributed to sedentary lifestyles
|
The supply of Business Park office space has also displaced demand for office space within our existing urban centres. This shift in demand has manifest in an under supply and lack of investment in our urban centres. For example we have seen in Sydney’s north demand for new office space in Chatswood has been completely eroded by the supply of office space at Macquarie Park. Also, supply of office space at Norwest has eroded the supply of new office space in urban centres at Mt Druitt, Castle Hill and Parramatta.
It is often strongly argued that business parks on the suburban fringe provide jobs closer to homes and workers, however this is one of the greatest fallacies of all. Moving jobs to the suburban fringe significantly reduces accessibility from many parts of the metropolitan area and reinforces socio-economic inequalities. Office jobs are most accessible when they are located in centralised urban centres and supported by public transport that radiates evenly throughout the metro area. Moving jobs to the suburban fringe increases the dependence on private motor vehicle use and increases road congestion as workers crisscross their way through the metro area to arrive at different suburban locations. Business parks are located close to workers with higher levels of education and wealth, making them less accessible to those living in communities with traditionally lower education levels. While business parks may benefit a minority of workers, in aggregate these jobs are made less accessible and reinforce social inequalities.
The benefits of urban centres and agglomeration is critically important to delivering productivity gains in our metropolitan area. The growth of the knowledge-intensive activities across all sectors of our economy has seen the rise of a new “idea generating and problem solving class” described by Robert Lucas. This new knowledge worker and knowledge industries can achieve significant productivity gains from agglomeration in urban centres. Jane-Francis Kelly has argued that it is not clear these benefits are realised in suburban Business Parks. The benefits of agglomeration are not just realised from shared infrastructure and economies of scale and scope, but the complex interactions between businesses and social networks. To benefit from these complex networks we must develop highly diverse urban environments that deliver the land use patterns that facilitate complex human interaction and knowledge sharing. The human scale of our rich and complex urban centres are significantly better places to provide this environment than the isolation of car dependant suburban business parks.
The strategy suggests that Business Parks meet the demand of “international companies [that] seek to replicate the business park format of their offices overseas”. While this demand may exist, this does not justify mindlessly following the built form of other cities without considering the context and fundamental objective of our strategy. We have seen how this special precinct fails to meet the policy goals of the strategy. The challenge for this strategy is to develop a policy framework and implantation plan for the removal of business parks from our metropolitan area. This can be done through two strategies; transforming them into mixed use urban centres as outlined in the centres policy, or compulsory acquisition of the land and removal of the business park built form and rezoning for more appropriate land use. The metropolitan strategy should outline preferred solutions for the areas of; Macquarie Park, Norwest, Rhodes, St Leonards, Kogarah, and Sydney Olympic Park.
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